HND Social Science

Marriage, cohabitation and divorce Notes

 

MARRIAGE, COHABITATION AND DIVORCE

 

British Social Attitudes: marriage and cohabitation

 

 

 

"At the core of contemporary concerns about the family are changes in family living and household composition. These include growth of domestic partnerships and the decline in the popularity of marriage, as well as growth in the number of divorces, remarriage (serial monogamy), reformed or step-families, single parenthood, joint custody, abortions, and two-career households." Jagger G and Wright C, 1999, Changing Family Values

 

Much of the reliable data on this topic (including that used by Ermisch and Francesconi, which is cited in several items) comes from the British Household Panel Study (BHPS), which surveys a representative cross-section of 10,000 households at regular intervals. The BHPS is conducted by ISER (The Institute for Social and Economic Affairs at the University of Essex).

 

 

 

Item A

Status of adult in Great Britain: key facts

Aged 16 and over Men Women

Married 54% 51%

Widowed 3% 12%

Never married 27% 19%

Divorced/separated 7% 9%

Cohabiting 9% 9%

[Source: General Household Survey, 2001, ONS]

 

 

 

 

staying single

In 2000, only half of all the women in Britain aged 18-49 were married, compared with three-quarters in 1979, and a third had always been single, compared with under a fifth in 1979. [Source: General Household Survey, 2001, ONS] (However, many of today’s ‘single’ women have been, or are, in co-habiting relationships.) Nearly half of Britain's 20 to 24 year-olds are living with their parents. [National Survey of Young People and Sport, 2000, Sport England]

Item C

Staying single

According to NOP Solutions, 36% of British adults (and 41% of Londoners) were single at the end of the millennium. But by 2010, this figure will have risen to about 40%. Richard Scase, Professor of Organisational Behaviour at the University of Kent, attributes this trend to four phenomena:

l fewer marriages

l a higher divorce rate

l the increasing financial independence of women

l an ageing population.

Of women born between 1950 and 1962, 75% were living with a partner (usually a husband) by the age of 24. Of those born between 1963 and 1976, 34% were still single at age 24.

Sources

Richard Scase, 1999, Britain Towards 2010: the changing business environment

John Ermisch and Marco Francesconi, 1999, Cohabitation in Great Britain: not for long, but here to stay, ISER

Single status seems to be a better option for women than for men:

Item D

Single women have better social networks than single men

According to Richard Scase, professor of organisational behaviour at the University of Kent: "Women are choosing to live alone because they have the capacity to do so . . . New opportunities in education and employment over the past few decades mean there is now a third way for women between living with and looking after their aged parents, or getting married." Professor Scafe thinks that women will thrive while men will flounder in this new 'singles world' because "women tend to have much more developed and intense social networks and are involved in a wide range of social and other activities", whereas men tend to be lonely and isolated: single men are more likely to own video recorders, computers and hi-fi equipment; single women go to the theatre and cinema more often, make more visits to friends and attend more evening classes.

[Source: Richard Scase, 1999, Britain Towards 2010: the changing business environment, ESRC]

 

marriage

The long-term trend is against marriage. There were 267,961 weddings in 2000, compared with a peak of 426,241 in 1972. (However, it’s possible that this trend is turning round: the number of marriage ceremonies in 2000 was 2% up on the figure for 1999, the first year-on-year increase since 1991-02.) And only about a half of all UK adults aged under-50 are currently living with partners to whom they are married, compared with over two-thirds in the mid-1980s. [Source: ONS]

Item E

% of UK adult population married

1981 2011 (Actuary Dept. estimate)

Males 66 48

Females 61 47

Very few people think that marriage is likely to bring greater happiness. Only one in 10 of the 11,500 people born in the same week in March 1958 being tracked by the National Child Development Study expressed the belief in the mid-1990s that married people are 'generally happier' than unmarrieds. And the 17th British Social Attitudes Report [Focussing on Diversity, 2000] claimed that, in the population as a whole, only 27% of men and 21% of women thought that married people ‘are generally happier’ than unmarrieds.* (The annual BSA Report is based on interviews with a representative sample of 3,000 adults in England, Scotland and Wales.)

However, the idea of marriage remains popular:

Item F

Marriage remains popular

A Demos survey in the mid-90s found that only one in seven 16-17 year olds believes that marriage is 'out of date', and eight in ten expect to marry. A Guardian/ICM opinion poll (telephone interviews with a random nationwide sample of 1,205 adults, results weighted in line with the proNotes of all adults, carried out in mid-February, 2000), asked a question about whether school sex education lessons should 'promote marriage as a concept' and 70% of the respondents answered 'Yes'. However, this result may well have been influenced by a good deal of 'pro-marriage, anti-gay' propaganda in the press at the time of the interviews. Interestingly, Labour voters were less enthusiastic about marriage than Conservative voters.

(à the sexual relations Notes)

 

 

British Social Attitudes: marriage and cohabitation

 

 

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*This is despite evidence that ‘marriage is good for you’. Andrew Oswald, an economics professor at Warwick University, says that marriage seems to extend life expectancy by an average of three years and that the longer a marriage persists, the greater the gain. People who marry more than once can expect to live longer than people who never marry, but have a lower life expectancy than people who sustain single marriages. Cohabitation also seems to extend life, but less so than marriage. Oswald attributes the longer lives of married people to quantifiable factors such as their tending to have lower blood pressure, better diets and enhanced mental well-being. However, it’s impossible to establish whether these health gains are produced by marriage, or whether people with better health, and/or healthier lifestyles, are more likely to find partners.

An opinion poll carried out in 1999 for the Government funded National Family and Parenting Institute showed that only one in five people thinks that marriage is a 'very important factor' in bringing up children. This finding suggests that marriage today is more an expression of love than an arrangement for the creation and rearing of children. Maralyn Yalom [A History of the Wife, 2001] says that the notion of ‘romantic love’ has had a relatively brief history, emerging in the west, alongside the romantic novel, as recently as the late C18. Now ‘being in love’ is widely acknowledged as a prior condition of marriage:

"Both for traditional Indian families and for classical Romans, it was normal for love to come after marriage. How different from our own idea of choosing a mate for oneself because one has fallen in love!"Maralyn Yalom.

Item G

The art of marriage

Jack Dominion says that marriage is no longer seen as a contract based on social roles, but as an intimate relationship of love. Traditionally, each partner in a marriage had a clear and separate function: the man was the breadwinner, the head of the family, the decision-maker, the ambassador of the family to the outside world; the woman was the child bearer, the child-rearer and the person who looked after the home. Provided they fulfilled these roles and remained faithful to each other, they were considered to have a good marriage. But this model has changed over the last 100 years, dramatically so in recent decades: the man is no longer likely to be the sole breadwinner, relationships no longer operate as hierarchies (partners see each other as different but equal and communicate on an equal basis) and, with smaller families, the rearing of children takes up far less of parents’ lifespans.

Inevitably, says Dominion, cultural change has altered the criteria for judging the merit of a marriage. Whereas before, the fulfilling of highly gendered roles made for success, the key factor now is the quality of the relationship.

Source: Dominion J, 2001, The art of marriage, in The Tablet, 13th January

Diana Gittens agrees with Dominion’s view that some of the specific content of family ideology has changed since Victorian times. Women "are now

expected to enjoy (hetero)sexual relationships" and "men are encouraged to 'help' in the home and take an active interest in their children" who are "allowed more freedom of expression." More married women are taking paid employment and this practice "is not seen as so serious a threat." Everyone

expects more from marriage and there is a greater emphasis

on romance and compassion. Marriage is increasingly seen

"as a loving relationship between two equal partners whose

aim is to create domestic harmony through co-operation,

and the careful and loving rearing of two or three children."

However, Gittens argues that, despite these changes,

family ideology "remains based on notions of gender, age

and authority that are by definition unequal." [The Family in

Question: Changing households and family ideologies, 1993]

 

People are marrying later in life:

Item H

Couples waiting longer to get married

About two-thirds of women, and over 40% of men, born in 1956 were married before they were 25. Of those born in 1975, fewer than 20% of women and 10% of men were married by that age. In 1971 a third of brides were teenagers, a figure that has now fallen to under 4%. The mean average age for brides in 2000 was 30.5 years and for grooms, 34.8 years. Thirty years before, most brides were in their early twenties and most grooms were in their mid-twenties. The government's Actuary Department estimates that, among people currently aged 16-29, only 8% of men and 14% of women will be married in 2011. These are a third of the equivalent proportions found in 1981.

[Source: ONS]

 

Item I

Average age at first marriage in selected years, England and Wales.

Year Males Females

1969 24 years 22 years

1979 24 years 23 years

1989 26 years 24 years

1999 29 years 27 years

2000 31 years 28 years

[Source: ONS]

However, English parish registers in 1600 indicate that the average age for men to marry was 28 and for women 26 – very early marriage was generally confined to the upper class. So ‘late marriage’ is a thing of the past as well as the present.

Item J

Average age of women at first marriage, EU, 1995

Austria 26.1 Italy 26.4

Belgium 25.4 Luxembourg 26.6

Denmark 29.0 Netherlands 27.1

Eire 26.9 Portugal 24.8

Finland 27.0 Spain 26.6

France 26.9 Sweden 28.7

Germany 26.4 UK 26.1

Greece 25.7

[Source: Eurostat]

*

Marriages between partners neither of whom have been married before are now only marginally more common than other unions:

Item K

Marriages in England and Wales by previous status of celebrants, 2000

First marriage for both partners 58%

First marriage for only one partner 23%

First marriage for neither partner 19%

[Source: ONS]

*

There has been a marked trend towards civil marriages, which is a product of both secularisation and the churches’ (especially the Roman Catholic Church’s) reluctance to marry divorcees*. In 1990, over half of wedding ceremonies took place in churches; by 2000 the proportion had fallen to 36%.

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*The 2002 Summer General Synod of the Church of England recommended that divorcees should be allowed to marry in church, a practice already adopted by many C of E priests.

A government white paper, released in January 2002, proposed that 15,000 or so local authority registration officers should be licensed as celebrants and authorised to conduct marriage ceremonies in any safe location (including private homes) to which the public can have access, at any hour. At present, premises other than churches or register offices have to be licensed by local authorities as ‘seemly’, and ceremonies must be conducted before 6pm*. The proposals should be in place by 2004.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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*In 1996, only one in 10 civil (i.e. non-church) weddings took place in an ‘approved premise’ (i.e. not a register office); by 2000, it was a quarter.

cohabitation

"It is now the norm for people to live together before their first marriage."Social Trends, ONS, January 2002

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Item N

Cohabitation grows in popularity

Nearly three-quarters of couples in the UK 'live together' before marriage, compared with less than 5% in the 1960s. About a quarter of unmarried women aged 18-59 are cohabiting, up from 13% in 1986. Of all women aged 18-24, one in five is cohabiting; of all similarly-aged men, one in 10 is cohabiting. 60% of first cohabitations become marriages (a third of which dissolve within five years). Over a fifth of women have their first child while cohabiting, up from a fiftieth in 1980.

In total, there are now 1.5m cohabiting heterosexual couples in Britain – most of them in their twenties and thirties – a figure which will rise to 3m by 2021. In the next two decades, cohabitation will become much more common among the over-35s.

Sources

Social Trends, 2001, ONS

Ermisch J and Francesconi M, 1999, Cohabitation in Great Britain: not for long, but here to stay, ESRC

Ermisch J and Francesconi M, 2000, Seven Years in the Lives of British Families, ESRC

 

British Social Attitudes: marriage and cohabitation

 

 

*

Item O

Households with children containing a cohabiting couple, EU, 1995 (%)

Austria no data Italy 0.1

Belgium 2.6 Luxembourg 1.6

Denmark 4.8 Netherlands no data

Eire 0.7 Portugal 0.7

Finland no data Spain 0.9

France 4.0 Sweden no data

Germany 1.1 UK 2.0

Greece 0.1

[Source: Eurostat]

According to research conducted by two Leeds University academics, cohabiting relationships fall into two broad categories:

Item P

Contingent and mutual arrangements

Some cohabitations are based on "contingent commitment". These couples have decided to "give it a go", often because she is pregnant. For these couple, "marriage . . . [is] either far too risky (mostly for the women) or far too premature (mostly for the men)". These cohabitations end for the same reasons as marriages. Women cite their partner's violence, drinking, adultery and poor parenting. Men say that their partner has changed after childbirth and that domesticity makes them feel trapped.

Other cohabiting relationships are characterised by "mutual commitment". The couple have formed a serious relationship before moving in with each other and have agreed on financial arrangements. They expect their relationship to last and don't see the need for marriage even if children come along - marriage is an "irrelevance". Unsurprisingly, these relationships tend to last longer than those based on contingency and often end because the couple have "drifted apart". Cohabitations based on mutual commitment are probably more secure than marriages based on contingency.

[Source: Carol Smart and Pippa Stevens, 2000, Cohabitation breakdown, published by the Family Policy Studies Centre on behalf of the Joseph Rowntree Foundation]

Summary comment

Smart and Stevens study was based on a small number of in-depth interviews. Only 20 men and women were questioned, which casts some doubt on the research's reliability. However, small-scale projects such as this often produces more valid findings than those which come from the superficial questioning of far bigger samples.

*

Married couples with children are less likely to split up than cohabiting parents:

Item Q

Married couples more likely to stay together after birth of children

A growing proportion of cohabitees don't marry even when children come along; in fact cohabitees who have children are less likely to marry than those who don't.

92% of British couples who were married on the birth of their first child were still together after five years, compared to only 48% of those who were cohabiting. And 70% of children born within marriage will still be living with both natural parents on their 16th birthdays, compared with just 36% of children born to cohabiting couples. On average, children born to cohabiting couples spend 4.3 years with just one parent, compared with 1.7 years for those born within marriage and 6.6 years for children born outside any sort of adult partnership.

Sources

Ermisch J and Francesconi M, 1999, Cohabitation in Great Britain: not for long, but here to stay, ESRC

Ermisch J and Francesconi M, 2000, Seven Years in the Lives of British Families, ESRC

Population Trends 98, December 1999

Summary comment

The fact that cohabiting couples are more likely to split up than married couples is not proof that cohabitation is ipso facto a less stable form of union than marriage. People who choose to cohabit, rather than marry, will tend to be those less disposed to making lifelong commitments. (An increase in cohabitation might be one reason why the divorce rate has fallen – see below.) So it is no more surprising that cohabitations are less stable than marriages than it is that marriages between religiously devout couple are more persistent than marriages between non-believers.

Although cohabitation is commonplace in the UK, some other northern European countries have far higher rates:

Item R

Cohabitation even more popular elsewhere

Analysis by Dr Kathleen Kiernan, from the London School of Economic and Political Science, published in 1999, has shown a sharp north - south divide in the rates of cohabitation in Europe. In the UK a third of couples under 30 are cohabitees; in Denmark the figure is over 70%, and in France, 50%. Cohabitation is far less common in southern European countries such as Spain. In Sweden, over a half of women have their first child in a cohabiting union, whereas in Spain the figure is under 10%. Dr Kiernan looked at European Family and Fertility Surveys which have covered 19 countries throughout western Europe.

Summary comment

Does cohabitation improve the chances of stable marriage? Contrary to popular opinion, marriages between couples who have cohabited before their weddings are 40% more likely to end in divorce. However, when intervening variables (e.g. age and religiosity) are taken into account, the balance of evidence against pre-marital cohabitation disappears. [Source: Population Trends. ONS]

why is marriage becoming less popular?

For the first seven decades of the C20 marriage became ever more popular. Then, in the early 70s, the trend went into reverse (see Item O, below), probably as a result of a cultural shift induced by feminist rhetoric. However, research suggests that the decline in the popularity of marriage cannot wholly be explained by liberation ideology:

Item S Reasons for not marrying

A PSI study by Susan McRae of 166 cohabiting couples found the following reasons for the couples' failure to marry:

l fear of divorce (30%)

l saw no advantage to marriage (30%)

l cost of wedding (26%)

l opposed to marriage (21%).

[Source: Caridwen Roberts, 1995, A Voice for Women, Women's National Commission]

Summary comment

It is also possible that persistently high levels of male unemployment have contributed to the decline in the popularity of marriage. A 37 culture study conducted during the 1990s showed that in all societies women seek mates who have good economic statuses. In crude Darwinian terms, what price a young man with little or no earning capacity? It is hardly surprising that so many women opt to remain single rather than tying themselves to economically unattractive men.

*

The current debate on marriage and cohabitation is taking place outside a proper historical context: there is no new thing under the sun.

Item T

Mary and Joseph weren't married

According to the academic theologian, Adrian Thatcher, betrothal (a period of stable cohabitation preceding a religious ceremony) is a traditional Judaeo-Christian institution. Jesus himself was conceived when his parents were cohabiting. The Roman Catholic church didn’t make witness by a priest compulsory for marriage until 1563 and, in the 18th century, about half of all brides in Britain and North America were pregnant when they went to the alter.

In England and Wales, a formalised wedding ceremony wasn’t a legal requirement for marriage until the passing of Lord Hardwicke’s Marriage Act in 1753. Prior to the Hardwicke Act, various forms of ‘common law marriage’ existed and one of them, the ‘contract marriage’ – which typically consisted of little more than a verbal agreement to live together – was a similar arrangement to many late-modern cohabitations.

The 2001 British Social Attitudes (BSA) survey found that a large majority of British adults thought that the law should treat cohabiting couples in the same way as married couples. Indeed, most of them thought that there was still such a thing as ‘common law marriage’, even though it was abolished 250 years ago, and that couples who live together have the same legal rights as married people, which they don’t.

Source

Thatcher A, 2000, Marriage after modernity: Christian marriage in postmodern times

Barlow A et al, 2001, Just a piece of paper? Marriage and cohabitation in Britain, in the British Social Attitudes 18th report, 2001-02 edition, ‘Public policy, Social ties’, NCSR/Sage, 2001

 

_____________________________________________________________

Legal note

At present (Summer 2002) an unmarried father does not automatically have ‘parental responsibility’. ‘Parental responsibility’ is a technical term indicating legal recognition of parents’ rights in relation to their children. All mothers have ‘parental responsibility’ (unless they have given up their children for adoption, or a court has stripped them of their responsibilities) and so do all fathers who were married to a child’s mother at the time of its birth (with the same provisos), even following divorce.

An unmarried father (or co-parent in a same-sex relationship) who wants ‘parental responsibility’ must seek a ‘parental responsibility agreement’ from a court which, in certain circumstances, can be granted even if the mother doesn’t approve and is more or less a formality in most cases. But in 2000, only 4,044 of the 238,605 babies born to unmarried mothers in England and Wales were covered by such an agreement. Most parents simply assume that unmarried fathers have the same rights as married fathers (see above Item), and few have heard of parental responsibility agreements. The charity ‘Families Need Fathers’ (< www.fnf.org.uk >) knows of only one register office in the country which brings up the matter.

 

Want to know more about ‘parental responsibility agreements?

à < www.courtservice.gov.uk/kiosk/parental.htm >

An unmarried father without a parental responsibility agreement has no right, say, to access school records or authorise medical treatment. Nor does he have an automatic right of custody of his child if its mother is no longer able to care for it following death or any other eventuality, such as illness or abandonment. This is so even if the unmarried father’s paternity is registered on his child’s birth certificate and he has lived with the child and provided for its welfare.

However, the 1989 Children Act says that a child’s interests are paramount when any relevant official action – such as awarding custody – is under consideration. So a court, or any other agency, will consider a father’s relationship with his child when reaching decisions about its future, whether or not the father is, or has been, married to the mother. But the Children Act does not guarantee that a father has ‘parental responsibility’ and a time of crisis (a mother’s illness, accident, departure, bereavement; a serious disagreement between parents over an issue affecting their child; the parents deciding to split up) is not the best time for a father to go before a court to establish that his child’s interests lie in giving him parental rights.

A private member’s Civil Partnerships Bill, introduced to parliament by Lord Lester QC in January 2002, proposes that the law should treat cohabitees, including gay couples, in the same way as married couples. If the Bill is enacted, a couple who have lived together for six months can register a ‘civil partnership’, giving each partner the right to be recognised as next of kin, the right to financial provision, a share of the home on break-up, entitlement to a survivor’s pension and exemption from inheritance tax on their partner’s estate. The Bill does not specifically mention children, but giving cohabitees equal rights implies that both would have parental responsibility for any children of the house.

More pertinent to the issue of parental responsibility is a government Adoption and Children Bill currently going through committee. It includes a clause that would automatically give parental responsibility to unmarried fathers who jointly register births with mothers. The government is also planning to reform the whole process of civil registration which should clear up the issue once and for all.

_____________________________________________________________

Despite the recent decline in marriage, things must be kept in proportion: the great majority of young children (over 70%) still live in families containing an adult couple and the UK’s current annual rate of about five weddings a year per thousand population is in line with the EU average.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Divorce

The number of divorces per year has trebled in the UK since the Divorce Reform Act (1969) came into force in 1971 and now there is one divorce for every two marriages [Social Trends, 2001, ONS]. Under the Divorce Reform Act, a divorce will be granted if a court is convinced that the marriage has ‘irretrievably broken down’. Irretrievable breakdown can be established by proof of adultery, unreasonable behaviour, desertion for at least two years, living apart for two years (if both sides agree to divorce) or living apart for five years (if only one party wants a divorce). Over 40% of marriages contracted in 1999 will end in divorce and the UK’s annual divorce rate, at 2.7 per thousand population, is currently the joint highest in the EU (along with Finland’s) and well above the EU average of 1.8.

Item U

Divorces per 1000 population, EU, 1995

Austria 2.3 Italy 0.5

Belgium 3.5 Luxembourg 1.8

Denmark 2.5 Netherlands 2.2

Eire - Portugal 1.2

Finland 2.7 Spain 0.8

France 2.0 Sweden 2.6

Germany 2.1 UK 2.9

Greece 1.1 [Source: Eurostat]

Living apart is the most commonly given reason for a partner wanting a divorce, and adultery is not cited as often as it used to be:

Item V

Divorces in England and Wales granted because of adultery

1991 1998

45,500 36,000

*

Although liberalisation of the law on divorce was the most important single contributory factor in the rise in divorce in the late C20, several other social developments will have had some impact:

______________________________________________________________________________________

Item W

Children Make Divorce Less Likely

Having children makes it less likely that a marriage will break down, according to new research by Daniela Vuri of the Department of Economics at the European University Institute, Italy. Vuri analysed 6,019 British, German and American married couples over five years and her findings indicate that the presence of young children cuts the probability of divorce from 13% to 9%.

In her report, Vuri notes that many recent studies have reported a significant correlation between fertility and marital dissolution, but have left unclear whether there is a causal effect: it might be that the presence of young children in a household discourages marital dissolution; but it is also possible that another factor (or other factors) might jointly determine both family stability and fertility. For example, individuals who are less committed to family life might be more likely to divorce and less likely to have children. Similarly, religious couples might be less likely to divorce and more likely to view childbearing as an essential element of marriage. Vuri assumed that these – and other factors like age, education and earnings – would inevitably influence the correlation between fertility and marital dissolution.

So, in order to isolate the significance of fertility, Vuri created two groups from within the sample – one comprising childless couples and the other comprising couples with children – that were as closely matched as possible in terms of other characteristics. And with this control built into her analysis, she found that having children did indeed reduce the probability of a couple's marital dissolution by 4 percentage points. She extended her analysis to consider the effect of the number of young children on marital dissolution. The results here suggest that having additional children further reduces the probability of marital dissolution, but only by a small amount.

[Source: Daniela Vuri, 2001, Propensity Score Estimates of the Effect of Fertility on Marital Dissolution, presented at the British Household Panel Survey 2001 Conference at the ISER (University of Essex)]

The report can be viewed at http://www.iser.essex.ac.uk/bhps-2001/

________________________________________________________________________

Item X Marriages and divorces in Britain (1000s)

1961 1971 1981 1991 2001

[Source: ONS]

(70% of divorces are between couples in their first marriages.)

*

The trend towards more divorces each year has come to an end:

Item Y

Decrees absolute (divorces), England and Wales

1993 (Peak) 1999 2000

165,018 144,556 141,135

[Source: Population Trends, ONS]

The main reason for the fall in the divorce rate is that fewer people are marrying in the first place. However, the proportion of married people divorcing has also dropped: in 1993, 14.2 per 1,000 married people got divorced; in 2000, the figure was down to 12.7 per 1000 – the lowest rate since the 1980s. [Population Trends, ONS]

Four explanations for the increased stability of marriage are:

"They are more likely to know what they want from marriage and to have got through some of the difficulties that people often encounter when they arte younger."Julia Cole, Relate counsellor

*

Marriages are increasingly vulnerable in their early years: the median average length of marriages which end in divorce is now just 10 years and the divorce rate is highest among people aged 25 to 29 (28 divorces per 1000 married people in that age group against an average of under 13). However, the mean average age at divorce continues to rise because marriages are being contracted later in life (see above): in 2000, it was 41.3 years for men and 38.8 years for women, compared to figures of 39.7 and 37.2 in 1997. [Population Trends, ONS]

Item Z

% of marriages contracted which ended within 10 years, selected years

1951 1961 1971 1981

3% 7% 17% 23%

[Social Trends 28, 1998]

*

Item A2

Average age at divorce and remarriage, England and Wales, 1998

Divorce Remarriage

Males 40 years 42 years

Females 38 years 39 years

Nearly half of the marriages between young adults end in divorce, and marriages between former divorcees are less likely to last than average:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Item A3

Youthful marriages less likely to last

In 1998, a survey by the Home Office's Centre for the Analysis of Social Exclusion found that a marriage is more than three times more likely to end in divorce if the couple start living together when one or both of the partners is under 19 than if both are over 26. In 2000, 70% of divorces brought first marriages to an end, compared with 82% in 1981. About a fifth of divorcees in 2000 had been divorced before, roughly double 1981’s proportion.

[Source: Population Trends 98, December 1999].

Claritas, a consumer information company, has found that some UK locations contain a far higher proportion of divorced and separated people than others:

Item A4

Location Divorced/ Divorce/ separated separated

adults adults

Skelmersdale (Lancs) 32.4% Biggleswade (Beds) 6%

Hove (Sussex) 29.1% Altrincham (Lancs) 6.3%

Barking (Essex) 26.2% Beverley (Yorks) 6.5%

Southsea (Hants) 25.9% Kingswinford (W.Mids) 8.5%

[Source: Claritas, 2000]

However, it’s possible that divorced/separated people gravitate towards certain locations (and away from others). The influence of (possible) intervening variables – such as age, social class and ethnicity – would also have to be considered before a correlation between location and marital instability could be established.

 

the effects of divorce

In 2000, divorcing couples had 142,457 children under 16, of whom a quarter were under five. A recent poll found that young people are more likely than older people to reject the view that parents should stick together ‘for the sake of the children’: 43% of people aged 65+ disagreed with the proposition, compared with 67% of the 35 to 64 year-olds, and 75% of those aged 18 to 34. [Guardian/ICM telephone poll of 1050 UK adults, weighted to the proNotes of all adults, August 2000] In 1995, 160,000 under-16 year-olds (more

than a quarter of the total) were affected by divorce in the UK. [Social Trends 28, 1998] The cost to the state of family breakdown has been estimated at £5bn a year. The following Items look at research into the effects on children of their parents' divorcing. The findings are not consistent, which brings to mind Howard Becker's cautionary observation that all social research is contaminated by the prior prejudices of researchers.

Item A5

After the breakdown of marriages, fathers are increasingly likely to maintain a parental role – nearly three-quarters remain in regular contact with their children and a half see them at least once a week.

[Source: Louie Burghes, 1997, Fathers and Fatherhood in Britain, PSI]

Item A7

Researchers at King’s College, London, who interviewed 450 children in the west of England, found that more than half the children who spent time in two different households after their parents’ separation were positive about the situation. But birth parents tended to be more confiding and emotionally close than step-parents.

[Source: Judy Dunn and Kirby Deater-Deckard, 2001, Children’s views of their changing families, JRF]

*

Item A6

Co-parenting

Researchers at the Centre for Research on Family Relationships at the University of Leeds have looked at how children whose birth parents live apart feel about co-parenting. They interviewed 65 children aged four to 17 who spend three to four days a week with each of their separated parents. In effect, the children are members of two families, which may be step families or lone parent families.

Most of the children approved of the set-up for a variety of reasons including wanting both parents to play an equal part in their lives and liking having ‘two of everything’. They thought the advantages cancelled out inconveniences such as travelling between houses and losing time with friends. The children who were least likely to approve of the arrangement were those whose birth parents were hostile and those who felt that they had not been properly consulted.

[Source: Smart C et al, 2000, New Childhoods: Children and Co-Parenting after Divorce, CRFR, University of Leeds]

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Item A8

Effects on children of parents' splitting up

Bryan Rogers and Jan Pryor analysed over 200 research studies on the effects of separation and divorce on children. They found that children whose parents have split up are twice as likely:

q to suffer from low self-esteem and friendship difficulties in the short-run

q to be poor and live in substandard housing

q to experience health problems

q to have low incomes in later life

q to exhibit behavioural problems

q to do badly at school, leave young and gain few qualifications

q to leave home when younger than average

q to be unemployed

q (if girls) to get pregnant as teenagers and become teenage mums

q to become illegal drug abusers, and smoke and drink more.

However, they found no evidence to support certain popularly held views on the effects of divorce, such as that:

l the absence of a parental role model harms children

l boys are more adversely affected than girls.

l the age of the child at the time of family breakdown is a relevant factor.

[Source: Rogers B and Pryor J, 1998, Divorce and Separation: the outcomes for children, JRF]

Summary comment

The notion that parents' splitting up is harmful to the social development of children seems to be supported not only by Rogers’ and Pryors’ research (above), but also by several other studies:

But sociologists are always cautious about apparent causal relationships such as that between family breakdown and childhood trauma. Quite often this sort of statistical relationship, or correlation, results from the presence of intervening variables. Logic suggested to Rogers and Pryor that other variables must be affecting their findings, because only a minority of children whose parents had split up seemed to have been adversely affected. Their research report stated that the following intervening variables might have contributed to the increased rate of trauma among children whose parents had split up:

The possibility that it might be a child’s experience of family conflict – one of the intervening variables suggested by Rogers and Pryor – which causes childhood trauma, rather than parental divorce/separation, more than any other factor bedevils research on this topic. For it’s highly likely that the children of couples who subsequently divorce will have experienced more than their shares of family quarrels prior to their parents’ splitting up.

Unfortunately, the only way of testing the relative impacts on children of parental separation and parental disharmony would be to persuade 50% of a sample of disputatious couples to act as a control group by staying together, whilst persuading the other half to separate forthwith – a project that would be as unethical as it would be impractical.

Some new light on the issue has been cast by a two-year study of over 10,000 adolescents presided over by sociology professor Yong-min Sun of Ohio State University, reported in the Journal of Marriage and Family in August 2001:

Item A9

Children damaged before their parents divorce

A two-year study in the USA of over 10,000 adolescents has shown that, by every indicator of childhood well-being – behaviour, school-work and attendance, freedom from alcohol and other drug dependency etc. – adolescents from broken homes score badly. However, Professor Yong-min Sun, who led the research team, says that the "negative effects associated with it [divorce] are actually evident in teenagers at least one year before the marriage has ended." Sun points out that divorce is "not just a single incident in . . . children’s lives" and – whilst acknowledging that it is "not accurate to say divorce doesn’t matter at all" – says that by the time parents split up much of the damage has already been done.

The proposition that the departure of a parent does not in itself harm children found support from a UK Cabinet Office document leaked to the press in 1993. The Cabinet Office reviewed all the available data on single parenting and concluded that the increased rate of offending amongst children in single parent families is caused by associated factors, such as poverty, rather than the actual absence of second parents: "It is the quality of care within the family that counts not whether it is given by one parent or two." The report went on to say that the vital ingredient in successful childrearing is that there is a strong relationship between a child and at least one parent.

A new book pursues this theme:

 

 

 

 

 

Item 10

Divorce can be good for the kids

Sociologists at the Centre for Research on Family, Kinship and Childhood at the University of Leeds say that their research, funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, shows that for many children divorce can be a positive experience. The Leeds University research team, headed by Dr Bren Neale, interviewed 117 people aged 5 to 22 whose parents had been divorced for about 3 years. What mattered to the children was the quality of relationships between family members rather than the legal status of their parents' partnerships.

Dr Neale said: "Twenty years ago, we would have said divorce was destructive and was always bad for children; this research shows that this is no longer the case. Some children have a beneficial experience and enjoy a 'normal' life. . . For some, their parents are so concerned about the break-up that they talked and listened to their children more after the divorce than before, so the children benefited and felt they were very well off."

The report indicates that, as far as children are concerned, a divorce can be 'successful' if parents avoid creating a 'war zone'. The fact of a marriage ending is unlikely to harm children if they feel that mum and dad still respect each other. In Dr Neale's words: "Many children understood divorce as a way of ending arguments and benefited if their parents respected each other rather than continued the conflict. The children displayed a great deal of realism about divorce and saw it as part of life; they did not dwell on the good and the bad, but adapted. If their parents had moved on, they felt able to as well."

The interviewees did not seem to have been put off marriage by the failure of their parents' attempts. According to Dr Neale, "The children still had a 'fairy tale' image of meeting someone for life, but said they realised it does not often happen."

[Source: Neale B et al, 2000, Changing Childhood, Changing Families]

Summary comment

Neale's research was directed at what Max Weber called 'verstehen', or understanding an issue from the view-point of those involved in its construction. This sort of research often confounds conventional wisdom.

*

It seems that many parents fail to confide in their children when their marriages are breaking up:

Item A11

Children not told why their parents are breaking-up

Researchers from King’s College, London, who conducted in-depth interviews with 450 children aged five to 16 in the west of England, including 250 from step-families and 100 from single-mother families, found that most of the children whose parents had split up had been left pretty much in the dark: a quarter said nobody talked to them about the change in their lives and 45% were simply told, without explanation, that a parent was leaving; only 5% were fully informed and encouraged to ask questions. Birth parents were more likely to confide and exhibit emotional closeness than step-parents.

Grandparents and friends were the key confidants – confiding in fathers was particularly rare. Relationships with maternal grandparents were of real significance: children who were close to them showed fewer signs of adjustment problems such as anxiety, aggression, poor personal relationships and problems at school. After the break-up of marriages, children were more likely to experience adjustment problems if they had been drawn into conflicts between parents or step-parents and if they did not have close relationships with fathers or step-fathers.
[Source: Judy Dunn and Kirby Deater-Deckard, 2001, Children’s views of their changing families, York Publishing Services for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation]

"We have become increasingly aware of the need to listen to children’s views, but until now there has been little systematic research. Many children are left feeling they do not know what is happening when their parents separate – and the danger that they will interpret this as meaning they are no longer loved by the parent who has left." Professor Judy Dunn of King’s College, London, co-author of Children’s views of their changing families, 2001, JRF

*

Another small-scale qualitative study from the Joseph Rowntree Foundation looked at how very young children cope with family change:

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Item A12

How children cope

At least 70% of children whose parents have split up are aged under-10. A recent small-scale qualitative study from the Joseph Rowntree Foundation looked at younger children’s feelings about parental separation.

Key findings

The research was undertaken by Amanda Wade and Carol Smart at the Centre for Research on Family, Kinship & Childhood at the University of Leeds. The children (106 boys and 128 girls) were aged five to six and eight to nine, and came from a wide range of socio-economic and ethnic backgrounds. In the first stage, the researchers worked with small focus groups to explore their strategies for dealing with family change. They then conducted individual interviews with 20 boys and 27 girls.

[Source: Amanda Wade and Carol Smart, 2002, Facing family change: Children’s circumstances, strategies and resources, York Publishing Services for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation]

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Full report at http://www.jrf.org.uk/bookshop/eBooks/1842630776.pdf

 

(There’s more on the debate about single parenthood and its effects on children in other Notess in this folder and in the childhood section of the age Notes in the social differentiation folder.)

 

the law

At present divorce is controlled by the 1969 Divorce Reform Act (see above). The 1996 Family Law Act included a provision to modernise the process by removing the need for proof of 'fault' or lengthy separation if spouses are willing to accept a year-long process of mediation in order to reach settlements over money, property and children. However, pilot schemes produced disappointing results: fewer than 10% of divorcing couples agreed to attend preliminary 'information meetings' (which would be compulsory under the proposed new measure); and of those who attended the meetings, just 7% agreed to mediation and only 13% accepted the offer of counselling. So in June 1999, the Government said it would not implement the reform in the foreseeable future. However, the Government said that it would implement the Family Law Act's provision on 'pension-sharing' i.e. giving an ex-spouse rights over his/her former partner’s pension.

The Children Act (1989) provides a legal foundation for the continued responsibility for children of both parents following a divorce or separation. Typically, one parent is now granted ‘residence’ rather than ‘custody’ and the other parent continues to share rights (such as visitation), duties and obligations. And the Child Support Agency is charged with ensuring that any financial obligations are fulfilled.

Item A13

Few working fathers want the kids after divorce

Bren Neale and Carol Smart, sociologists at Leeds University, have studied 60 cases of family breakdown. They twice interviewed 31 men and 29 women, firstly in the late stages of their divorce proceedings and again a year later. The researchers chose their sample from people involved in ‘unremarkable’, or typical, cases which were not ‘bitter or acrimonious’.

Neale and Smart found that in only a third of the 60 cases had fathers tried to win the residence of their children and that two-thirds of these fathers were either unemployed or had flexible working arrangements. So a very small proportion of the fathers in typical economic circumstances actively sought to win residence with their children. Neale and Smart concluded that "there is some evidence that fathers are re-evaluating their children . . . [but] it is less obvious that the equality of women . . . is part of the equation." Men in full time employment continue, by and large, to see the children as the wife’s responsibility.

[Source: Neale B and Smart C, 1997, Experiments with parenthood, in Sociology vol.31, May 1997]

 

News: New measures proposed to enforce child contact orders, Feb.2002

The system for enforcing court orders for contact with children is "seriously deficient" and "needs swift and radical change", according to a report, Making Contact Work, from the Children Act Sub-committee of the Lord Chancellor's Advisory Committee on Family Law. Current law provides few sanctions if the parent living with the child is determined to bar access by the other parent – the courts have powers to fine or jail a parent, but judges are reluctant to be so heavy handed. The Sub-committee says that the current litigation process is "adversarial and counter-productive . . . It tends to focus on the arguments of the parents, not the needs of the child." It calls for resources to be put into resolving disputes by negotiation, mediation and conciliation, without the need for courts to take punitive measures. Extra funds, says the report, should go to Cafcas (the children and family court advisory and support service) to provide advice, mediation and access to therapeutic and counselling services.

The Sub-committee wants parliament to legislate for a two-stage process, based on a system recently introduced in Australia. In the first, "non-punitive" stage, parents would be given information on children's needs and how to make contact work, or sent on a parenting programme designed to tackle disputes. The court would have new powers to refer parents for parenting classes, counselling or mediation; to refer them to a psychiatrist or psychologist; to refer a violent parent to an anger management programme; to place a parent on probation with a condition of treatment or attendance at a class or programme; to impose a community service order; or to order a parent whose actions caused the other financial loss, such as the cost of a lost holiday, to pay compensation. Only if all else failed would a court move to a "punitive stage" involving fines and possible imprisonment.

Controversially, the Sub-committee suggests that the government should consider linking the payment of child support to the right to have regular contact with the child. "Broadly, we welcome the tone of the report," said Jim Parton, of the pressure group Families Need Fathers, in response to the report. "There is at least a recognition that where contact is thwarted, it needs to be dealt with and some imaginative thinking about non-adversarial approaches."

 

the public's views on marriage, cohabitation and divorce

Current attitudes on relationships and childrearing are generally permissive:

Item A14

Permissive attitudes on relationships and childrearing

According to an ICM / Observer poll:

l respondents were more or less evenly divided on whether the current

divorce laws were too lax (47% thought that divorce should

be more difficult, whilst 44% disagreed and there were 9% 'don't knows')

l a large majority (67% to 28%) didn't accept that a couple who got on

badly should stay together whilst the children were young

l 75% thought it was OK for a couple to sleep together before marriage

l only 17% thought that cohabiting couples couldn't care for their children

as well as married couples

l 68% agreed that single parents with sufficient money could bring up

children as well as married couples

l only 55% were opposed to same sex marriages (36% approved of a

change in the law)

l but 85% took the traditional view that it isn't possible to have an affair

without harming a marriage (only 12% thought an affair might not be

damaging).

[Source: The Observer, 25th October 1998]

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STOP PRESS

Item A15

Marriage and cohabitation in Britain

Values about marriage are changing dramatically according to a report based on the British Social Attitudes Survey (2001). In 1989, seven out of ten people (70%) thought couples should get married if they wanted children – now just over five out of ten (54%) do and only about a quarter (27%) think married couples make better parents than unmarried ones. A clear majority (67%) today think cohabitation is acceptable, even if a couple don't intend to get married. Co-author of the report, Alison Park of the National Centre for Social Research, said, "Cohabitation is widely accepted as a prelude to marriage and as an alternative, even where there are children involved. There's a clear suggestion that values will continue to shift in a more liberal direction in years to come."

Young people (particularly young women) are particularly unconvinced about the need for marriage, with only a third of 18-24 year olds thinking marriage should precede parenthood. Despite this, there is considerable support for marriage as an ideal. Only 9% dismiss it as "just a piece of paper" and nearly six in ten think it is still the best kind of relationship. Over one in five (22%) of 25-34 year olds currently cohabit (they are the most likely age group to do so). Among past cohabitants, the majority (59%) went on to marry that partner.

There is widespread belief in the myth of "common law marriage", despite its being abolished in 1753. More than half (57%) incorrectly think that couples who live together have the same legal rights as married people. But, whatever the current legal situation, a large majority think that cohabiting couples should be treated in the same way as married couples.

[Source: Anne Barlow, Simon Duncan, Grace Evans and Alison Park, 2001, Just a piece of paper? Marriage and cohabitation in Britain, in British Social Attitudes 18th report, 2001-02 edition, ‘Public policy, Social ties’, NCSR/Sage]

Methodological note

The National Centre for Social Research's British Social Attitudes surveys have been conducted annually since 1983. Each survey consists of over 3,000 interviews with a representative, random sample of people in England, Scotland and Wales. It is funded by charitable and government sources and is now the primary source of independent information and commentary on Britain's changing social values.

 

 

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(à the Notes on sexual relations)